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( Five minute read)
Then”war of choice” currently unfolding in Iran – and which could expand beyond – violates the core principles of international law:
The promise of “sovereign equality.
American first is no longer the marketplace that countries want to negotiating with.
While the United States is trying to change the terms of its existing trade agreements—in ways where there is no domestic consensus or partner buy-in-governments in Asia and elsewhere are placing their bets on a new crop of large-scale, multiparty trade pacts.
They are turning to other sources of supply and demand.
The strongest example of this is the reactions to the tariffs by Canada.
US protectionism should be name Yankexit.
It has already killed 12-nation trade agreement comprising 40 percent of world GDP.
Some of America’s closest partners and allies are now moving forward in an effort to create market opportunities that do not include America.
Such as.
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership comprising 16 nations in East Asia including China; the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement; and TPP 2.0.
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The American pachyderm is now advancing without many precautions into wars.
The significant risks of global conflict escalation cannot be properly understood or addressed without a clear analysis of how and why the American legal framework has failed.
The US Constitution grants Congress – not the president – the power to declare war.
Since the 1790s, it has been accepted that this does not prevent the White House from responding to “sudden attacks.”
To guarantee legislative control over the armed forces, the Constitution also imposes a time limit on military expenditures; fearing the creation of a permanent army.
Today, Congress has no practical means of exercising control over the use of military force.
Its power to declare war has eroded through neglect, and with a standing army the size of that of the United States, Congress is left with little choice but to approve funding.
Moreover, presidents, and especially the general public, have grown accustomed to the use of force abroad without congressional approval.
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Trump only has himself to blame.
He has proven unable to explain why he chose to go to war in a convincing and consistent manner.
He has put forward an increasing number of justifications, at the risk of making incoherent and false statements, such as his reference to “imminent threats,” which were never substantiated, in the hours that followed the initial bombings against the Iranian regime.
Moreover, having spent years condemning his predecessors’ Middle Eastern adventurism, Trump should have known better than anyone that an effort to prepare public opinion for a war would be essential.
It’s not that Iranians might rise up and overthrow the regime. It’s that the Americans might rise up.
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